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	Frazier and Mosteller assert that medical research could be improved by a move toward larger, simpler clinical trials of medical treatments. Currently, researchers collect far more background information on patients than is strictly required for their trials-substantially more than hospitals collect-thereby escalating costs of data collection, storage, and analysis. Although limiting information collection could increase the risk that researchers will overlook facts relevant to a study, Frazier and Mosteller contend that such risk, never entirely eliminable from research, would still be small in most studies. Only in research on entirely new treatments are new and unexpected variables likely to arise.Frazier and Mosteller propose not only that researchers limit data collection on individual patients but also that researchers enroll more patients in clinical trials, thereby obtaining a more representative sample of the total population with the disease under study.[line:20][hl:4][hl:5]Often researchers restrict study participation to patients who have no ailments besides those being studied.[/hl:5][/hl:4][/line:20] A treatment judged successful under these ideal conditions can then be evaluated under normal conditions. Broadening the range of trial participants, Frazier and Mosteller suggest, would enable researchers to evaluate a treatment's efficacy for diverse patients under various conditions and to evaluate its effectiveness for different patient subgroups. For example, the value of a treatment for a progressive disease may vary according to a patient's stage of disease. [line:32][hl:2]Patients' ages[/hl:2][/line:32] may also affect a treatment’s efficacy.
	The fact that superior service can generate a competitive advantage for a company does not mean that every attempt at improving service will create such an advantage. Investments in service, like those in production and distribution, must be balanced against other types of investments on the basis of direct, tangible benefits such as cost reduction and increased revenues. If a company is already effectively on a par with its competitors because it provides service that avoids a damaging reputation and keeps customers from leaving at an unacceptable rate, then investment in higher service levels may be wasted, since service is a deciding factor for customers only in extreme situations.This truth was not apparent to managers of one regional bank, which failed to improve its competitive position despite [line:18][hl:4]its investment in reducing the time a customer had to wait for a teller[/line:18][/hl:4], The bank managers did not recognize the level of customer inertia in the consumer banking industry that arises from the inconvenience of switching banks. Nor did they analyze their service improvement to determine whether it would attract new customers by producing a new standard of service that would excite customers or by proving difficult for competitors to copy. The [hl:6]only[/hl:6] merit of the improvement was that it could easily be described to customers.
	One [hl:2]proposal[/hl:2] for preserving rain forests is to promote the adoption of new agricultural technologies, such as improved plant varieties and use of chemical herbicides, which would increase productivity and slow deforestation by reducing demand for new cropland. Studies have shown that farmers in developing countries who have achieved certain levels of education, wealth, and security of land tenure are more likely to adopt such technologies. But these studies have focused on villages with limited land that are tied to a market economy rather than on the relatively isolated, self-sufficient communities with ample land characteristic of rain-forest regions. A recent [hl:4][hl:3]study[/hl:3][/hl:4] of the Tawahka people of the Honduran rain forest found that farmers with some formal education were more likely to adopt improved plant varieties but less likely to use chemical herbicides and that those who spoke Spanish (the language of the market economy) were more likely to adopt both technologies. Nonland wealth was also associated with more adoption of both technologies, but availability of uncultivated land reduced the incentive to employ the productivity-enhancing tech nologies. Researchers also measured land-tenure security: in Tawahka society, kinship ties are a more important indicator of this than are legal property rights, so researchers measured it by a household's duration of residence in its village. They found that longer residence correlated with more adoption of improved plant varieties but less adoption of chemical herbicides.
	Citing the fact that the real gross domestic product (GDP) per capita was higher in 1997 than ever before, some [hl:3]journalists[/hl:3] have argued that the United States economy performed ideally in 1997. However, [hl:4]the real GDP is almost always higher than ever before[/hl:4]; it falls only during recessions. One point these journalists overlooked is that in 1997, as in the twenty-four years immediately preceding it, the real GDP per capita grew nearly one-half percent a year more slowly than it had on average between 1873 and 1973. Were the 1997 economy as robust as claimed, the growth rate of real GDP per capita in 1997 would have surpassed the average growth rate of real GDP per capita between 1873 and 1973 because over fifty percent of the population worked for wages in 1997 whereas only forty percent worked for wages between 1873 and 1973. If the growth rate of labor productivity (output per hour of goods and services) in 1997 had equaled its average growth rate between 1873 and 1973 of more than two percent, then, given the proportionately larger workforce that existed in 1997, real GDP per capita in 1997 would have been higher than it actually was, since output is a major factor in GDP. However, because labor productivity grew by only one percent in 1997, real GDP per capita grew more slowly in 1997 than it had on average between 1873 and 1973.
	In recent years, Western business managers have been heeding the exhortations of business journalists and academics to move their companies toward long-term, collaborative ""strategic partnerships"" with their external business partners (e.g., suppliers). The experts' [hl:2]advice[/hl:2] comes as a natural reaction to numerous studies conducted during the past decade that compared Japanese production and supply practices with those of the rest of the world. The link between the [hl:3]success of a certain well-known Japanese automaker[/hl:3] and its effective management of its suppliers, for example, has led to an unquestioning belief within Western management circles in the value of strategic partnerships. Indeed, in the automobile sector all three United States manufacturers and most of their European competitors have launched programs to reduce their total number of suppliers and move toward having strategic partnerships with a few.However, new research concerning supplier relationships in various industries demonstrates that the widespread assumption of Western managers and business consultants that Japanese firms manage their suppliers primarily through strategic partnerships is unjustified. Not only do Japanese firms appear to conduct a far smaller proportion of their business through strategic partnerships than is commonly believed, but they also make extensive use of ""market-exchange"" relationships, in which either party can turn to the marketplace and shift to different business partners at will, a [hl:4]practice[/hl:4] usually associated with Western manufacturers."
	In 1675, Louis XIV established the Parisian seamstresses' guild, the first independent all- female guild created in over 200 years. Guild members could make and sell women's and children's clothing, but were prohibited from producing men's clothing or dresses for court women. Tailors resented the ascension of seamstresses to guild status; seamstresses, meanwhile, were impatient with the remaining restrictions on their right to clothe women.The conflict between the guilds was not purely economic, however. A 1675 police report indicated that since so many seamstresses were already working illegally, the tailors were unlikely to suffer additional economic damage because of the seamstresses' incorporation. Moreover, guild membership held very different meanings for tailors and seamstresses. To the tailors, their status as guild members overlapped with their role as heads of household, and entitled them to employ as seamstresses female family members who did not marry outside the trade. The seamstresses, however, viewed guild membership as [hl:4] [hl:3] [hl:2] [hl:1]a mark of independence the patriarchal family.[/hl:1][/hl:2][/hl:3][/hl:4] Their guild was composed not of family units but of individual women who enjoyed unusual legal and economic privileges. At the conflict's center was the issue of whether tailors' female relatives should be identified as family members protected by the tailors' guild or as individuals under the jurisdiction of the seamstresses' guild.
	For a particular custom basketball game, a player receives a personal warning upon accumulating at least 3 fouls within any 12 minute quarter and complete ejection from the court upon accumulating 5 such fouls at any time during the 48 minute game. For any single 48 minute game, missing between 2 minutes and 4 minutes of playtime counts as one-third of an absence, missing between 4 minutes and 10 minutes of playtime counts as half an absence, and missing more than 10 minutes counts as a full absence. However, a basketball player may postpone playtime to make up for up to 3 minutes of unexcused absence at another time.The table contains descriptions of the unexcused absences of 5 players of a particular custom basketball game. Assume that in each case the basketball player had no other unexcused absences and made up no other time. In the table, select a description of a basketball player who qualified for a personal warning but not a complete ejection, and select a description of a basketball player who qualified for a complete ejection. Make only two selections, one in each column.
	In 1675, Louis XIV established the Parisian seamstresses' guild, the first independent all- female guild created in over 200 years. Guild members could make and sell women's and children's clothing, but were prohibited from producing men's clothing or dresses for court women. Tailors resented the ascension of seamstresses to guild status; seamstresses, meanwhile, were impatient with the remaining restrictions on their right to clothe women.The conflict between the guilds was not purely economic, however. A 1675 police report indicated that since so many seamstresses were already working illegally, the tailors were unlikely to suffer additional economic damage because of the seamstresses' incorporation. Moreover, guild membership held very different meanings for tailors and seamstresses. To the tailors, their status as guild members overlapped with their role as heads of household, and entitled them to employ as seamstresses female family members who did not marry outside the trade. The seamstresses, however, viewed guild membership as [hl:4]a mark of independence the patriarchal family[/hl:4]. Their guild was composed not of family units but of individual women who enjoyed unusual legal and economic privileges. At the conflict's center was the issue of whether tailors' female relatives should be identified as family members protected by the tailors' guild or as individuals under the jurisdiction of the seamstresses' guild.
	Determining whether a given population of animals constitutes a distinct species can be difficult because no single accepted definition of the term exists. One approach, called the biological species concept, bases the definition on reproductive compatibility. According to this view, a species is a group of animals that can mate with one another to produce fertile offspring but cannot mate successfully with members of a different group.Yet this idea can be too restrictive. [line:10][hl:4]First, mating between groups labeled as different species (hybridization), as often occurs in the canine family, is quite common in nature.[/hl:4][/line:10] Second, sometimes the differences between two populations might not prevent them from interbreeding, even though they are dissimilar in traits unrelated to reproduction; some biologists question whether such disparate groups should be considered a single species. A third problem with the biological species concept is that investigators cannot always determine whether [line:21][hl:2]two groups that live in different places[/hl:2][/line:21] are capable of interbreeding. When the biological species concept is difficult to apply, some investigators use phenotype, an organism`s observable characteristics, instead. Two groups that have evolved separately are likely to display measurable differences in many of their traits, such as skull size or width of teeth. If the distribution of measurements from one group does not overlap with those of another, the two groups might reasonably be considered distinct species.
	When asteroids collide, some collisions cause an asteroid to spin faster; others slow it down. If asteroids are all monoliths-single rocks-undergoing random collisions, a graph of their rotation rates should show a bell-shaped distribution with statistical "tails" of very fast and very slow rotators. If asteroids are rubble piles, however, the tail representing the very fast rotators would be missing, because any loose aggregate spinning faster than once every few hours (depending on the asteroid`s bulk density) would fly apart. Researchers have discovered that [line:12]all but five observed asteroids obey a strict limit on[/line:12] rate of rotation. The exceptions are all smaller than 200 meters in diameter, with an abrupt cutoff for asteroids larger than that.The evident conclusion-[line:16][hl:2]that asteroids larger than 200 meters across are multicomponent structures or rubble piles[/hl:2][/line:16]-agrees with recent computer modeling of collisions, which also finds a transition at that diameter. A collision can blast a large asteroid to bits, but after the collision those bits will usually move slower than their mutual [line:22][hl:4]escape velocity[/hl:4][/line:22]. Over several hours, gravity will reassemble all but the fastest pieces into a rubble pile. Because collisions among asteroids are relatively frequent, most large bodies have already suffered this fate. Conversely, most small asteroids should be monolithic, because impact fragments easily escape their feeble gravity.
	Exactly when in the early modern era Native Americans began exchanging animal furs with Europeans for European-made goods is uncertain. What is fairly certain, even though they left no written evidence of having done so, is that the first Europeans to conduct such trade during the modern period were fishing crews working the waters around Newfoundland. Archaeologists had noticed that sixteenth-century Native American sites were strewn with iron bolts and metal pins. [line:11][hl:4]Only later, upon reading Nicolas Denys`s 1672 account of seventeenth-century European settlements in North America, did archaeologists realize that sixteenth-century European fishing crews had dismantled and exchanged parts of their ships for furs.[/hl:4][/line:11] By the time Europeans sailing the Atlantic coast of North America first documented the fur trade, it was apparently well underway. The first to record such trade-the captain of a Portuguese vessel sailing from Newfoundland in 1501-observed that a Native American aboard the ship wore Venetian silver earrings. Another early chronicler noted in 1524 that[line:24][hl:6] Native Americans living along the coast of what is now[/hl:6][/line:24] New England had become selective about European trade goods: they accepted only knives, fishhooks, and sharp metal. By the time Cartier sailed the Saint Lawrence River ten years later, Native Americans had traded with Europeans for more than thirty years, perhaps half a century.
	In recent years, Western business managers have been heeding the exhortations of business journalists and academics to move their companies toward long-term, collaborative "strategic partnerships" with their external business partners(e.g., suppliers). The experts [hl:2]advice[/hl:2] comes as a natural reaction to numerous studies conducted during the past decade that compared Japanese production and supply practices with those of the rest of the world. The link between [hl:3]the success of a certain well-known Japanese automaker[/hl:3] and its effective management of its suppliers, for example, has led to an unquestioning belief within Western management circles in the value of strategic partnerships. Indeed, in the automobile sector all three United States manufacturers and most of their European competitors have launched programs to reduce their total number of suppliers and move toward having strategic partnerships with a few. However, [line:20][hl:4]new research[/hl:4][/line:20] concerning supplier relationships in various industries demonstrates that the widespread assumption of Western managers and business consultants that Japanese firms manage their suppliers primarily through strategic partnerships is unjustified. Not only do Japanese firms appear to conduct a far smaller proportion of their business through strategic partnerships than is commonly believed, but they also make extensive use of market-exchange relationships, in which either party can turn to the marketplace and shift to different business partners at will, a practice usually associated with Western manufacturers.
	Frazier and Mosteller assert that medical research could be improved by a move toward larger, simpler clinical trials of medical treatments. Currently, researchers collect far more background information on patients than is strictly required for their trials-substantially more than hospitals collect-thereby escalating costs of data collection, storage, and analysis. Although limiting information collection could increase the risk that researchers will overlook facts relevant to a study, Frazier and Mosteller contend that such risk, never entirely eliminable from research, would still be small in most studies. Only in research on entirely new treatments are new and unexpected variables likely to arise.Frazier and Mosteller propose not only that researchers limit data collection on individual patients but also that researchers enroll more patients in clinical trials, thereby obtaining a more representative sample of the total population with the disease under study. Often researchers restrict [hl:2][hl:4]study[/hl:4][/hl:2] participation to patients who have no ailments besides those being studied. A treatment judged successful under these ideal conditions can then be evaluated under normal conditions. Broadening the range of trial participants, Frazier and Mosteller suggest, would enable researchers to evaluate a treatment's efficacy for diverse patients under various conditions and to evaluate its effectiveness for different patient subgroups. For example, the value of a treatment for a progressive disease may vary according to a patient's stage of disease. [hl:5]Patients` ages[/hl:5] may also affect a treatment's efficacy.
	In a 1984 book, Claire C.Robertson argued that, before colonialism, age was a more important indicator of status and authority than gender in Ghana and in Africa generally. British colonialism imposed European-style male-dominant notions upon more egalitarian local situations to the detriment of women generally, and gender became a defining characteristic that weakened women's power and authority.[hl:3]Subsequent research in Kenya convinced Robertson that she had overgeneralized about Africa.[/hl:3] Before colonialism, gender was more salient in central Kenya than it was in Ghana, although age was still crucial in determining authority. In contrast with Ghana, where women had traded for hundreds of years and achieved legal majority (not unrelated phenomena), the evidence regarding central Kenya indicated that women were legal minors and were sometimes treated as male property, as were European women at that time. Factors like strong patrilineality and patrilocality, as well as women's inferior land rights and lesser involvement in trade, made women more dependent on men than was generally the case in Ghana. However, since [hl:4]age apparently remained the overriding principle of social organization in central Kenya[/hl:4], some senior women had much authority. Thus, Robertson revised her hypothesis somewhat, arguing that in determining authority in precolonial Africa age was a primary principle that superseded gender to varying degrees depending on the situation.
	Most farmers attempting to control slugs and snails turn to baited slug poison, or molluscicide, which usually consists of a bran pellet containing either methiocarb or metaldehyde. Both chemicals are neurotoxins that disrupt that part of the brain charged with making the mouth move in a coordinated fashion - the "central pattern generator" - as the slug feeds. Thus, both neurotoxins, while somewhat effective, interfere with the slugs' feeding behavior and limit their ingestion of the poison, increasing the probability that some will stop feeding before receiving a lethal dose. Moreover, slugs are not the only consumers of these poisons: methiocarb may be toxic to a variety of species, including varieties of worms, carabid beetles, and fish.Researchers are experimenting with an [hl:4]alternative compound[/hl:4] based on aluminum, which may solve these problems, but this may well have a limited future as we learn more about the hazards of aluminum in the environment. For example, some researchers suggest that acid rain kills trees by mobilizing aluminum in the soil, while others have noted that the human disease Alzheimer's is more prevalent in areas where levels of aluminum in the soil are high. With farmers losing as much as 20 percent of their crops to slugs and snails even after treatment with currently available molluscicides, there is considerable incentive for researchers to come up with better and environmentally safer solutions.
Ready4	The widths of all tiles of type $K$ are exactly the same, and the widths of all tiles of type $M$ are exactly the same. Is the width of 1 tile of type $K$ less than the width of 1 tile of type $M$ ? (1) The total width of 2 tiles of type $K$ and 3 tiles of type $M$ is less than the total width of 5 tiles of type $K$ and 2 tiles of type $M$ . (2) The total width of 3 tiles of type $K$ and 5 tiles of type $M$ is less than the total width of 4 tiles of type $K$ and 4 tiles of type $M$ .
Ready4	The lengths of all boards of type $R$ are exactly the same, and the lengths of all boards of type $S$ are exactly the same. Is the length of 1 board of type $R$ greater than the length of 1 board of type $S$ ? (1) The total length of 4 boards of type $R$ and 4 boards of type $S$ is less than the total length of 3 boards of type $R$ and 5 boards of type $S$ . (2) The total length of 3 boards of type $R$ and 2 boards of type $S$ is less than the total length of 2 boards of type $R$ and 3 boards of type $S$ .
Ready4	The cost of all bags of type $P$ are exactly the same, and the cost of all bags of type $Q$ are exactly the same. Is the cost of 1 bag of type $P$ greater than the cost of 1 bag of type $Q$ ? (1) The total cost of 2 bags of type $P$ and 5 bags of type $Q$ is greater than the total cost of 4 bags of type $P$ and 3 bags of type $Q$ . (2) The total cost of 3 bags of type $P$ and 2 bags of type $Q$ is less than the total cost of 2 bags of type $P$ and 4 bags of type $Q$ .
Ready4	In the figure above, if $\frac{b+c}{a} = \frac{<font color='#FE8080'>4</font>}{5}$ , then $b + c =$
	Until recently, zoologists believed that all species of phocids (true seals), a pinniped family, use a different maternal strategy than do otariids (fur seals and sea lions), another pinniped family. Mother otariids use a foraging strategy. They acquire moderate energy stores in the form of blubber before arriving at breeding sites and then fast for 5 to 11 days after birth. Throughout the rest of the lactation (milk production) period, which lasts from 4 months to 3 years depending on the species, mother otariids alternately forage at sea, where they replenish their fat stores, and nurse their young at breeding sites. Zoologists had assumed that females of all phocid species, by contrast, use a fasting strategy in which mother phocids, having accumulated large energy stores before they arrive at breeding sites, fast throughout the entire lactation period, which lasts from 4 to 50 days depending on the species. However, recent studies on harbor seals, a phocid species, found that lactating females commenced foraging approximately 6 days after giving birth and on average made 7 foraging trips during the remainder of their 24-day lactation period.